Pakistan's Ongoing Battle Against Terrorism II Political Turmoil in Pakistan: A Never-Ending Saga II Pakistan's Economic Struggles Amidst a Global Pandemic II The Kashmir Conflict: Pakistan's Continued Standoff with India II Pakistan's Energy Crisis: The Struggle for Sustainable Power II The Plight of Pakistani Women: Breaking Barriers for Equality II Pakistan's Water Crisis: A Looming Threat to National Security II Religious Extremism in Pakistan: Confronting a Perennial Problem"

 

In Pakistan, lawmakers back stricter blasphemy laws despite increasing misuse

Furqan* spends his days and nights in immense mental anguish and inadequate security in the notorious Adiala jail in Rawalpindi.

Around six months ago, the Catholic Christian was picked up by the Federal Investigation Agency, or FIA, from an impoverished neighbourhood in Karachi and whisked away to Islamabad to face trial under the blasphemy law.

A rights activist, who recently met Furqan in Adiala, said the allegation against him is that he had sent a text message to a Muslim friend who claimed it contained blasphemous content, hurting the latter’s religious feelings.

“Initially, the FIA team travelled all the way from the federal capital to Karachi to arrest Furqan’s younger brother. After subjecting him to physical torture and incarcerating him in Adiala jail for a month, the FIA released him, and arrested Furqan,” added the activist, who wished to not be named due to the sensitivity of the matter.

“In jail, I surprisingly had the chance to meet around 150 other inmates, who are also languishing – from months to years – under the same allegations of having blasphemed the Muslim majority’s religion,” the activist says. The case against Furqan was lodged in 2021-2022. However, this case is just the tip of a rock-hard iceberg that shows no signs of melting in the foreseeable future.

A difficult year

Despite the distressing circumstances Furqan is currently in, his family believes he is lucky to be alive since the prison at least protects him from vigilante mobs like those that were behind the recent Jaranwala incident.

Hundreds of enraged men had torched dozens of churches and many more houses following rumours that two Christian brothers had desecrated pages of the Holy Quran.

“The incidents show a pattern and a replication of what happened in Shanti Nagar in 1997, Sangla Hill in 2005, Gojra in 2009 and many other incidents, where frenzied mobs are collected through provocative announcements on the pretext of blasphemy,” said Peter Jacob, executive director of the Centre for Social Justice, Pakistan, sharing the preliminary facts of the incident.

The Centre for Social Justice has been keeping a record of cases against religious minorities nationwide since the promulgation of blasphemy laws by military dictator Ziaul Haq in the 1980s. More specifically Sections 295, 295-A, 295-B and 295-C that deal with blasphemy were introduced to the Pakistan Penal Code, under General Zia.

The watchdog says the year 2023 has witnessed a worryingly high number of blasphemy-related incidents. “In 2023, there has been an exponential increase in the abuse of blasphemy laws. Till August, 16,198 persons have been accused [of blasphemy] with 85% [of them] Muslims, 9% Ahmadis, and 4.4% Christians,” said Jacob.

When did the matter exacerbate

Jacob believes that the rise in blasphemy cases is deeply rooted in the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s (PTI) former government, and the rising religio-political party Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP).

Commenting on the Centre for Social Justice’s 2023 report, he stated that it is unfortunate that the highest number of blasphemy cases in recent years have been reported under the PTI regime. According to the Centre for Social Justice, 499 blasphemy cases were reported during the PTI’s three-and-a-half-year-long tenure between 2018-’22. This number had only been exceeded under General Pervez Musharraf’s regime with 503 cases over 2000-’07.

“The PTI government’s tenure was the worst compared to its predecessors in terms of victimisation of religious minorities and Muslims alike over allegations of blaspheming the majority religion,” he says.

There is a clear upward trend in the use of blasphemy laws over the years.

Government-wise statistics show that in the years after the law was promulgated, Zia’s regime (1987-’88) saw only 31 cases compared to the recent hundreds. Sixteen cases were filed in the Pakistan People’s Party’s 1989-’90 government, 98 during Pakistan Muslim Leagu-Nawaz’s 1991-1993 rule, 76 in the Pakistan People’s Party’s second tenure (1994-’96) and 195 during Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s 1997-’99 regime. While the numbers already saw an exponential rise, it was during the Musharraf regime that the numbers crossed the 500 mark.

The successive civilian governments that followed the Musharraf dictatorship failed to control the misuse of the laws with 441 blasphemy cases registered during the Pakistan People’s Party’s 2008-2013 and 261 during Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s 2014-2018 tenures.

After the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, the number surged close to 500 once again during the PTI government.

Asad Iqbal Butt from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan also agreed that there was a clear rise in blasphemy cases during the PTI government’s tenure. “It was firstly because former prime minister Imran Khan was openly in support of having a dialogue with terrorists and militant outfits,” he opined.

“Then, the TLP, which has a very radical view about one specific Muslim sect, was allowed to be launched. They not only lodged blasphemy cases against religious minorities but also didn’t spare Muslims,” he told Prism. He noted that TLP activists and supporters had also been involved in the Jaranwala incident.

However, Amir Mufti Qasim Fakhri of TLP’s Karachi chapter denied allegations that his party was involved in the arson and violence at Jaranwala.

However, Fakhri admitted that his party’s leaders and activists had lodged a large number of blasphemy cases across the country, saying: “If anyone blasphemes our Prophet (PBUH) and other personalities, it is our duty to stop them.”

Fakhri declared that the punishment for blasphemy is the death sentence, as it is clearly defined in Section 295-C of the PPC.

The cleric alleged that the media and other elements which “toe American and Western lines”, portray a bad image of the TLP over the issue of blasphemy.

He also hit out at reports that linked the group to the violence in Jaranwala and demanded the stories be retracted.

Politicisation of law

In recent years, the use of blasphemy laws against opponents seems to have become a regular occurrence.

On the grassroots level, common people have been using blasphemy allegations as a tool to settle personal scores, most commonly monetary and land disputes, by accusing opponents – from religious minorities – of blaspheming Islam. In 2013, at least 125 houses in a Christian community were burned down by mobs for the sole purpose – as it transpired later – of dispossessing them of prime lands in the Badami Bagh outskirts of Lahore and usurping the same.

This practice of false blasphemy allegations has also been observed with politicians and religious outfits that openly use it to settle personal scores against rivals.

PML-N vs PTI

In September last year, the PTI announced legal action against PML-N Vice President Maryam Nawaz for what it called her “controversial social media campaign” accusing PTI Chairman Imran Khan of blasphemy that could potentially endanger his life.

Earlier, Maryam had uploaded two purported statements of Imran Khan and as many verses of the Holy Quran on her X (formerly Twitter) account to draw comparisons between them. She also posted saying: “This man (Imran) is using religion for his politics and promoting his false narrative. Save your faith and the country from this devil.”

Most recently, the PML-N resorted to using the religious card against Imran when reports emerged that the PTI was engaging human rights barrister Geoffrey Robertson – who had reportedly represented Salman Rushdie – to represent Imran in international courts in relation to unlawful detention and human rights abuses. The PML-N alleged that Imran was “conspiring against Islam and Pakistan” while Maryam insisted that this shows Imran’s double standards.

In a post on September 2, 2023, she said: “Isn’t it strange that Imran Khan chose a man to fight his case internationally who represented Salman Rushdie, a blasphemer. This shows two faces of Imran Khan. In Pakistan, Khan makes a claim of striving for Riasat-i-Madina and outside the country, he seeks the help of an anti-Islam firm.”

A PTI spokesperson rejected all claims of hiring a foreign law firm clarifying that Imran never supported any such initiative even in the face of the worst state operation.

Rushdie was also used by the PTI to attack the PML-N.

PTI goes after PML-N

In September 2022, PTI claimed that Maryam’s post against Imran Khan was followed by over 65,000 posts targeting the PTI chairman. There were also posts critical of Maryam, telling her not to drag religion into politics, which could endanger one’s life.

Fawad Chaudhry, then a leader of the PTI, had declared that: “We will not let this matter go unnoticed. Legal action will be taken against Maryam Nawaz for using the tool of blasphemy to endanger the life of the PTI chairman.”

In September last year, then-prime minister Shehbaz Sharif had met French President Emmanuel Macron on the sidelines of the 77th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. In August, he had also thanked the French president in a post for expressing solidarity with the flood-ravaged people of Pakistan.

In 2021, the TLP spearheaded a campaign to pressure Islamabad to expel French envoys from Pakistan over “blasphemous” comments by the French president and for allowing caricatures of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to be drawn.

At the time, PTI leader Yasmin Rashid took to X to highlight how Imran Khan had penned a letter to leaders of Muslim states on how the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) honour was a “red line” for Muslims after Macron had defended the publication of blasphemous caricatures.

Rashid had railed against Shehbaz and Maryam, adding in the post that “uncle (Shehbaz) was making merry with an individual who had defended blasphemy the world over while his niece (Maryam) was using the blasphemy card against Imran Khan”.

Separately, in an address in April 2021, Imran claimed that Nawaz had been in power when Rushdie’s book was published in 1998. Imran questioned why Nawaz had not voiced his opposition to Rushdie’s book.

Blasphemy laws made more stringent

On August 7 this year, the Senate passed a bill to increase the punishment for using derogatory remarks against revered personalities – including the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) family, wives and companions, and the four Caliphs – from three to at least 10 years of imprisonment.

The bill, titled The Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill, 2023, was passed by the National Assembly in January in the presence of just 15 lawmakers.

The bill’s statement of objectives and reasons highlight that some individuals are involved in “blasphemy on the internet and social media”, and that acts of disrespect towards revered personalities, including the Holy Prophet’s (PBUH) companions, were a cause of “terrorism”, “disruption in the country” and hurt to people from all walks of life.

It terms the current punishment for the offence “simple”, adding that it led to people punishing the suspects on their own, leading to an increase in violence.

Earlier, in February, then-human rights minister Riaz Hussain Pirzada had urged Shehbaz to undo the amendments, arguing that their purpose was to “please a specific group” and that they had been approved without “fulfilling the norms of parliamentary proceedings”.

In a letter to the premier, Pirzada had said the state had a duty to protect religious minorities as it was an Islamic injunction as well as a constitutional obligation.

“Minority groups have raised their eyebrows on ignoring a good practice in parliamentary business followed for amending a law to eliminate technical defects rather intending to persecute a specific group,” the letter said.

Six months later, the Senate passed the bill after PML-N Senator Hafiz Abdul Karim presented it. The Senate agenda also mentioned Jamaat-i-Islami’s Senator Mushtaq Ahmad as a mover of the bill.

In his argument in favour of the legislation, Ahmad maintained that acts of blasphemy were being witnessed on social media. He highlighted that the current law was somewhat “ineffective” and the bill aimed to fine-tune it to make it more effective.

“This bill should be passed unanimously,” he asserted.

Similarly, Religious Affairs Minister Senator Talha Mahmood maintained that the bill did not hurt anyone’s sentiments and that it should be passed unanimously.

However, some members of the House, prominently Pakistan Pepople’s Party’s Sherry Rehman, insisted that the bill should be referred to the relevant committee for review.

“There’s an inclination of passing bills in haste,” Rehman pointed out, adding that they – the lawmakers – had not even seen the bill. “We do care about the respect of all prophets … but a bill should not be passed without analysis, in the name of religion,” she said.

But Karim insisted that the bill be put to vote, and so it was. And it was passed.

For people like Furqan, who are languishing in their dark cells, their families wonder if lawmakers will ever go beyond empty promises and actually pass legislation to help them. Given the lawmakers’ track record this year, it seems like an impossible ask.

*The name of the accused has been changed due to security concerns.

This article was first published on Dawn.com.

02

Brain Drain

Over the last two years, 1.5 million Pakistanis have emigrated in search of better prospects. The country faces the spectre of highly skilled individuals leaving for greener pastures – a brain drain on steroids. The loss of talented professionals, scientists and intellectuals have significant repercussions for the country’s socio-economic growth. Many developing countries struggle with this phenomenon but in Pakistan’s case, brain drain exacerbates the economic crises. Immigrating abroad is hardly a new trend – the global Pakistani diaspora numbers around 11 million people. However, the loss of faith in the state and its institutions among the youth and the magnitude of the flight of talent are newer spectacles.

The primary drivers of emigration include the insufficient economic opportunities available for skilled professionals. Unlike China and India, there is no Pakistani equivalent of a thriving manufacturing sector or a vibrant technology ecosystem. Prospects for careers in finance and medicine are limited. A dearth of funding for technological advancement and research opportunities implies that STEM graduates find it difficult to conduct meaningful work in an environment with limited resources and support. The lack of well-paying jobs, coupled with inadequate infrastructure in the form of frequent power outages, compel many talented individuals to seek better prospects abroad.

Pakistan’s current political instability only makes matters worse. It would not be an exaggeration to refer to the present circumstances as a game of musical chairs, with various political parties and state institutions vying for power. The ultimate losers are the working and middle classes. Poor governance and deteriorating law & order further complicate matters. The country has seen a dramatic rise in incidents of terrorism – and all political parties and state institutions appear busy playing political chess instead of trying to avoid a repetition of the events of the past decade. Throw in corruption, low foreign investment and inconsistent policies, and the result is the flight of capable individuals to stable countries where their skills are valued and their futures are stable. Foreign citizenship of a developed country is now seen as an achievement.

Even if a citizen’s patriotism prevailed and they decided to ignore the current political chaos, they would have to face the daunting task of maintaining hard-earned purchasing power. The devaluation of the Rupee and rising inflation have made it more challenging to build generational wealth and afford a middle-class lifestyle. A 1 Kanal or 605 square yards plot in any residential area is now priced at a minimum of Rs. 3.5 Crore or PKR 35 million, with another 10 to 20 million rupees for construction costs. The average white-collar salary stands at Rs. 2.5 Million per Year, without taxes and expenditure. Statistically, the kind of lifestyle that middle-class Pakistanis could aspire towards during the 2000s is beyond their grasp.

To top off this perfect storm, Pakistan has experienced rising religious fundamentalism. Radicalism and frenzied mob violence are antithetical to economic and societal advancement. Imagine a young talented Pakistani who belongs to the Hindu, Sikh or Christian community. Would they opt to stay and contribute to their country, or would they migrate to Dubai or Singapore, where a more liberal and progressive environment beckons them? Globally, the younger generation is more open-minded, diverse and multicultural, and expects their state to be the same. Pakistan’s youth have to deal with religious fanaticism and zealots beguiled by bigots masquerading as pious men. Many idealist progressives decide to leave and abandon their country altogether. These emigrants include those who hold more open-minded and enlightened views and have spent decades trying to confront religious idealogues with fanatical views. Their absence will only hasten the country’s decline into religious fanatism.

The loss of faith in the state among the youth and the magnitude of the flight of talent are newer spectacles.

At times, a politician is tempted to go on television and chide citizens for their lack of patriotism – instead of assuaging the public’s doubts and addressing their concerns. It is easy for the ruling elite to make such statements or ignore the plethora of problems faced by the citizenry. Unlike them, the average Pakistani does not have access to private education and decent healthcare.

The consequences of the flight of skilled manpower should be self-evident. The most talented often play key roles in academia, the legal fraternity, civil service, healthcare and the tech sector. These skilled professionals propel economic growth, drive innovation, spearhead entrepreneurship and advance technological development. This class of doctors, scientists, lawyers, bankers, financiers, writers and artists would have upheld progressive norms and democratic traditions. This would have been the tax-paying middle class that ultimately decides the positive trajectory of a nation. The loss of intellectual capital, expertise and bright minds will hamper Pakistan’s development across all sectors and inevitably weaken every institution in the country. The result is diminished workforce quality. The failure to retain these individuals will aggravate social, political and economic inequality. The remaining population, without its best and brightest, faces prospects of fewer opportunities and less access to quality services. As the economy stalls, the country will become more reliant on remittances or IMF loans for the economy to stay afloat.

If the state and its institutions wish to avoid an unmitigated disaster, then the state needs to seriously rethink the raison d’etre of its existence. Does the state exist to serve its population or does the sole purpose of Pakistan revolve around the needs of the top 1% or in perpetual strategic competition with its neighbours? To survive, Pakistan must retain its talent. This will require a plethora of changes and a modification in the strategic calculus of state institutions.

Ending political instability will be a prerequisite. This will have to be followed up with sound economic decisions and a coherent strategy to tackle the country’s economic woes.

Good governance, curbing corruption and improving law & order within the country will be necessary. Religious fundamentalism, terrorism and acts of fanaticism will have to be dealt with firmly. These initial steps will foster an environment of trust and confidence, inspiring skilled individuals to stay and contribute to the country.

In the long run, Pakistan must enhance its education system and invest in Research and Development. This includes establishing high-quality educational institutions and fostering a culture of innovation. The Federal Government must come up with an industrial policy that keeps abreast of technological developments. Provincial governments and the private sector would work together to create a conducive environment for industries to thrive. This involves reducing bureaucratic hurdles and incentivizing the establishment of knowledge-based businesses. Initiatives that support the tech sector and the start-up ecosystem will encourage tech-savvy and skilled individuals to remain in Pakistan when they see opportunities to contribute to the growth of emerging industries. Pakistan’s diaspora can play a vital role in the country’s development. Establishing networks to tap into their expertise, investments and ideas can be mutually beneficial. The resultant economic growth will provide the capital needed for investments in better infrastructure and healthcare.

Addressing the challenges posed by brain drain requires a comprehensive approach that focuses on improving education, creating better job opportunities, enhancing political stability and fostering innovation. Only by implementing these measures, can any country mitigate the negative impact of brain drain and harness the talents of its citizens for a brighter future. Pakistan is a nation with abundant potential. It would be a pity to sacrifice this at the altar of political expediency or negligence on the part of the political elite.

The writer is a freelance columnist.

03

Pakistan’s platform economy

akistan is currently the sixth most populous nation globally. It is characterised by a significant youth demographic, with two-thirds of its 241 million population below 30 years of age. Pakistan’s young population faces a precarious situation as the promise of youth collides with economic hardship.

Escalating inflation (38 percent in May, the highest in South Asia), rising poverty and dwindling reserves paint a grim economic picture. 37 percent of young adults – around 44 million – are not in education, employment or training. The workforce, with a staggering 84 percent engaged in informal jobs, enjoys limited labour law protections.

The platform economy, with around 700,000 workers, appears to be a silver lining. The workers are operating in areas like ride-hailing; professional services; and food or grocery delivery.

As Pakistan’s dynamic workforce embraces the promise of the platform economy, it encounters a labyrinth of challenges that often eclipse the shining prospects. A central concern is platform debt.

The intricate tapestry of platform debt is woven with threads of high fuel costs, fluctuating commissions and stretches of times, painting a complex and trying picture. Over the past 18 months, a seismic shift has rocked the digital labour platform landscape, forcing notable players, such as Airlift, Jovi and SWVL to stop their operations. Even industry behemoths like Uber have scaled back to a mere presence in Lahore. Cheetay’s operations have dwindled, underscoring the inherent volatility of this realm.

The industry often finds itself relegated to the peripheries of governmental consideration. The internet shutdown in May 2023, spurred by protests against the detention of former prime minister Imran Khan, laid bare the vulnerability of location-based platform workers. The abrupt digital halt did not just disrupt the rhythm of daily wage earners but also exposed the reliance of nearly 700,000 platform workers on mobile phone data to sustain their livelihoods.

Pakistan’s labour laws mandate employers to register workers for social security and contribute 12 percent of wages (11 percent by employers, 1 percent by workers). The current misclassification of platform workers as independent contractors leads to evasion of more than Rs 30 billion yearly. The funds could help strengthen the social protection system and broaden the tax base in the country.

The country has shown a commitment to modernising labour laws. The pledge was reinforced at the 347th ILO Governing Body session, advocating for an international labour standard fitting the platform economy.

The provincial governments have acted independently. The Punjab and Sindh are consolidating their labour laws into a unified code, slated to include location-based platform workers. Balochistan has already integrated online workers under its Balochistan Home-based Workers Act 2022 (draft rules await approval by the provincial cabinet).

Amidst these regional initiatives, the Centre for Labour Research in Pakistan has joined forces with the Fairwork Foundation at the University of Oxford for a collaborative assessment of the labour conditions within Pakistan’s major location-based platforms, guided by Fairwork’s principles.

This year, the collaborative work has led to the release of the second Fairwork report on labour standards in the platform economy in Pakistan. Capturing insights from dozens of platform workers, meticulously gathered during interviews held in March-April 2023, the report is an illuminating portrayal of Pakistan’s platform economy.

The assessment encompassed six key platforms in Pakistan. Of these, four platforms specialise in ride-hailing (Bykea, Careem, inDrive and Uber), one focuses on food delivery services (FoodPanda) and another caters to professional beauty services (GharPar). Notably, Careem, FoodPanda, inDrive and Uber have established a global footprint. Bykea and GharPar proudly represent local ventures. A distinctive feature arises with Bykea, a hybrid platform seamlessly integrating both ride-hailing and parcel delivery services.

The platform economy, with around 700,000 workers, appears to be a silver lining, bridging the unemployment gaps. They are operating in areas like ride-hailing; professional services; and food or grocery delivery.

Fair pay: None of the platforms meet the minimum wage requirement (Rs 136 per hour) after deducting costs. Workers often earn below this rate due to task-specific expenses like fuel and mobile phone data. Waiting times often go uncompensated. Only a few workers achieve the local living wage (Rs 205 per hour) after costs. Shockingly, some workers have experienced negative income and debt burden.

Fair conditions: Platform workers face a lack of safety gear and training consistency, even within the same platform. Many are forced to purchase safety gear themselves, creating a financial burden. Emergency response is inconsistent despite features like panic buttons. Insurance schemes, though available, are often inaccessible due to complex procedures. Compensation for inability to work varies across platforms, creating financial insecurity. Rating systems encourage risky behaviour, compromising worker safety.

Fair contracts: Clarity in contracts is lacking across platforms. Contracts are incomplete, hard to understand and unavailable in Urdu. This raises concerns about workers’ understanding of their rights. Some platforms fail to specify dispute resolution jurisdiction. Notification periods for changes impacting workers are insufficient. Some no longer cover ride-cancellation charges, impacting income. Indemnity clauses limit platforms’ liability.

Fair management: Communication channels for worker concerns exist, but effectiveness varies. Appeals processes lack documentation in contracts. Anti-discrimination policies are scarce and transparency in algorithm use needs improvement.

Fair representation: None of the platforms provide a safe way for workers to express concerns collectively without repercussions. Organising collective actions has led to negative consequences for some workers. Some platforms allow limited collective expression of concerns.

Recognising the challenging working conditions endured by platform workers, the Centre for Labour Research and Fairwork Foundation have introduced the Islamabad Capital Territory Platform Workers Protection Bill. The pivotal legislative proposal strives to redress the prevalent issues and guarantee platform workers equitable access to essential workplace rights. Over the last two years, this collaborative initiative has been diligently crafting a regulatory framework to foster fairness, transparency and the overall welfare of platform workers.

Striving for a comprehensive and just version, the Centre for Labour Research has engaged with a diverse array of stakeholders. The engagement has been aimed at striking a balance that respects both platform interests and worker rights while also promoting innovation within a responsible ecosystem. Inputs from trade unions, government representatives, the ILO country office and independent experts have been instrumental in shaping this equilibrium.

The draft bill incorporates a comprehensive framework embracing the core tenets of fair work principles. It guarantees fair pay by ensuring minimum wage entitlements, regulated working hours and extra remuneration for special circumstances. Furthermore, the legislation prioritises fair conditions, encompassing provisions for platform workers’ safety, comprehensive leave policies, social protections and data rights.

The inclusion of fair contracts ensures the provision of transparent employment agreements, adherence to labour r

egulations, prevention of platform liability exclusions and timely communication of changes. In tandem, fair management provisions establish grievance redress mechanisms, counteract discrimination and harassment and ensure transparent decision-making processes while offering avenues for contestation and appeals. The draft bill also champions fair representation by endorsing the right to unionise, negotiate collectively and establish a mandatory works council, fostering inclusive dialogue within the platform environment.

A cornerstone of the draft bill is its five-point criteria to ascertain employment relationships between digital labour platforms and workers. The proposed legislation also introduces a call for regular external audits by platforms to guarantee unbiased work allocation, promoting fairness and parity.

The emergence of the platform economy brings a glimmer of hope, offering employment opportunities for a young population in dire need. Yet, the silver lining is not without its clouds, as the issue of fair working conditions casts a shadow over the promise. The Islamabad Capital Territory Platform Workers Protection Bill represents a commitment to justice, echoing the voices of platform workers yearning for dignified labour. Through this, Pakistan can chart a course towards a future where the digital realm harmoniously merges innovation with workers’ well-being, illuminating the path for equitable progress.

Iftikhar Ahmad is the founder of the Centre for Labour Research, Pakistan. He can be reached at ia72@cornell.edu

Ambreen Riaz is a research associate at the Centre for Labour Research, Pakistan.